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第 36  期

專題論文
Special Issue

  (586)
給我洲後村,我將翻轉全臺灣──試論二重疏洪道洲後村拆遷抗爭事件的歷史意義
Give me Chou-hou-Village and I will move the whole of Taiwan:Probing into the historical significance of the resistanceagainst the removal of Chou-hou-Village for the Erchong Floodway
作者 陳君愷、賴建寰
Author Chun-kai Chen, Chien-huan Lai
關鍵詞 二重疏洪道洲後村民主運動自力救濟戒嚴體制媒體展演
Keywords Erchong Floodway, Chou-hou-Village, Democracy movement, self-relief, martial law, media performance
摘要 本論文以1980年代初期所發生的二重疏洪道洲後村拆遷抗爭事件為中心,探討美麗島事件後街頭群眾運動再度興起的轉折過程。歷來一般通說多主張:1979年美麗島事件後,黨外民主運動旋由辯護律師與受難者家屬所傳承,採取所謂「議會路線」;而「街頭路線」就暫時停止,直到1986年林正杰「街頭狂飆」方再度開啟。然而,如果以較寬廣的角度看:二重疏洪道洲後村拆遷抗爭事件,卻意外的繼美麗島事件之後,撐起街頭抗爭的空間,讓民主運動者所亟欲衝撞的集會遊行禁令,受到嚴重的挑戰。在該抗爭事件中的幾次街頭抗爭行動,行動者無視於戒嚴法令,挑戰政府公權力;相對的,由於其非屬政治性質,而政府對於抗爭的行動,亦未依照「戒嚴體制」的模式處理,從而傳達了「戒嚴體制」可以挑戰的訊息。同時,這些街頭抗爭行動,透過當時新興商業化傳播媒體的密集報導,媒體展演可謂與行動者共構了抗爭行動,對於剛經歷美麗島事件政治鎮壓的臺灣社會,產生相當大的震撼效果;而洲後村與眾多傳播媒體位於首都圈,有強烈的地緣區位意義,尤使其各種抗爭行動令人難以忽視。由於該抗爭事件綜合了各種因素,故能對「戒嚴體制」造成鬆動,並影響其後的歷史發展。本論文除了抽絲剝繭、分別加以釐清外,更進而指出該抗爭事件在臺灣民主發展史上所具有的關鍵地位。
Abstract
This paper focuses on the resistance against the removal of Chou-hou-Village for the Erchong Floodway in the early 1980s. It discusses a turning point when after the Meilitao-Incident a new popular street movement emerged. The general argument so far has been: after the Meilitao-Incident of 1979, the tang-wai democracy movement was continued by the lawyers and family members of those put on trial, i.e. the so-called ‘parliamentary course,’ whereas the ‘street movement course’ came to a temporary standstill. According to this argument it was only in 1986 with Lin Cheng-chieh’s ‘street frenzy’ that this course was reactivated. However, if observed from a broader perspective, the resistance against the removal of Chou-hou-Village for the Erchong Floodway was an unexpected continuation of the Meilitao-Incident as it kept up manoeuvring space for street resistance movements. It caused the ban on public assembly and demonstrations, which the activists from the democracy movement were so eager to fight against, to be seriously challenged. During several events of this street resistance movement theactivists ignored martial law and challenged the government’s power. Accordingly, as it was not a political movement and the government did not deal with the acts of resistance in the way martial law would have required, this conveyed the signal that ‘martial law’ could be challenged. At the same time, the intensive coverage by the new commercialised media, combined with these acts of street resistance, produced a shock effect on Taiwanese society that had just experienced the political repression of the Meilitao Incident. Furthermore, Chou-hou-Village and the vast number of media were located in the capital region, which was of great significance for the relationship of local politics to its political environment as the resistance movement could hardly be ignored. Through the combination of various factors in this resistance movement, it was possible to weaken the martial law system and influence future historical development. By untangling the details of the incident, this paper attempts to shed light on it and demonstrate the key role of this resistance movement in the history of Taiwan’s democratisation.
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/ 王次澄    Tzi-cheng Wang
1
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/ 熊秉真    Ping-chen Hsiung
57
「觀」「看」新視界:視覺現代性與晚清上海城市敘事
/ 呂文翠    Wen-tsuei Lu
97
地域社會中的文化運動:霧峰一新會讀書會個案分析(1934-1936)
/ 鄭麗榕    Li-jung Cheng
139
書寫自然史:庫柏對於庫柏鎮地域之探究
/ 盧莉茹    Li-ru Lu
219
《莊子‧齊物論》中籟音的義理蘊涵
/ 侯潔之    Chieh-chih Hou
257
莊子本性論研究法芻議
/ 許宗興    Chung-hsing Hsu
277
J. J.Long. W. G. Sebald: Image, Archive, Modernity
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313
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